Why the world needs a multilateral compact
on AI, and why the Arab world cannot afford to wait
Talal Abu-Ghazaleh
April
2026 - Continued from part one
I recognize and acknowledge that AI is already doing much
good for the world. Among its many applications, scientists are using it to
accelerate drug discovery, climate researchers are building more accurate
forecasting models and educators and farmers in underserved communities are
accessing AI tools previously beyond their reach. These achievements deserve
recognition as evidence of what this technology can be if guided by the full
breadth of humanity’s needs.
The question I ask is not whether AI can produce benefits
as it clearly can. The question is: who controls those benefits? Who shapes the
conditions under which they flow? And who is structurally excluded from them?
When the infrastructure of progress is owned by a handful of corporations,
every achievement of AI becomes entangled with their platforms, their data
agreements, and their strategic interests.
“The
internet was once presented as the great equalizer. Instead, it became a system
dominated by platforms whose algorithms now shape public opinion, mental
health, and the outcomes of elections.”
The risks are not theoretical. Large-scale
misinformation, AI-enabled cybercrime, social manipulation, and economic
disruption are already present in the world, and they are exacerbated when
decision-making authority is concentrated within a few systems owned by a
handful of large tech firms. The values, priorities and agendas of such firms
are inevitably embedded into these, and they affect everyone.
Throughout my years leading the UN Global Compact, I
argued consistently that the governance of transformative technology must not
be left to market forces alone. Markets are
efficient engines of growth, but they are not equipped to make decisions that
involve sovereignty, equity, and the long-term common good of humanity. AI
governance requires what nuclear technology eventually required: binding
international frameworks, transparency obligations, and mechanisms through
which the nations most affected have a genuine voice.
I speak with
particular urgency for the Arab world and the broader community of developing
nations. If the infrastructure of AI is controlled by a small number of actors
before sound governance frameworks are in place, the result will not be a level
playing field. It will be a new form of digital dependency, in which nations
must access intelligence itself through systems they do not control, on terms
they did not negotiate, shaped by values that may not reflect their own. This
is not a distant risk. It is the trajectory of AI as we speak.
“The
capacity to reason, to learn, and to make decisions is a shared human resource,
not a proprietary asset.”
What is required is not a rejection of AI. It is a
refusal to accept that the concentration of AI power in private hands is either
inevitable or acceptable. The world needs a new multilateral compact on
artificial intelligence, one that establishes common standards for
transparency, accountability, and equitable access. One that ensures developing
nations are participants in AI governance, not merely consumers of systems
designed elsewhere.
The first technological revolutions had changed what
humanity could produce. This one is changing how humanity thinks, decides, and
governs itself. That demands a response commensurate with its scale, not from
individual companies exercising voluntary restraint, but from the international
community acting with the seriousness and urgency this moment requires.
“The future
of intelligence must not be left to those who own the infrastructure. It
belongs to all of us.”